Dameon O’Boyle
When the same score means different lives.
Executive function is often measured in a quiet room. Life asks us to use it while tired, interrupted, uncertain and doing something else. I want to understand the distance between those two worlds.
These notes bring together my experience, published research and questions I would like to investigate during doctoral training. The proposed studies below are ideas, not completed research.
The Tuesday-afternoon problem
In executive-function coaching, I support young people with planning, task initiation, attention and self-management. A plan can be sensible, carefully discussed and fully understood, yet still struggle to survive an ordinary afternoon. That makes me curious about the conditions surrounding performance: the interruption, the competing goal, the moment when a person has to decide what to do next.
A hypothetical example makes the problem concrete. Two people obtain similar working-memory scores. One uses a checklist, notices when they have lost their place and returns to the task. The other manages well until an unexpected message arrives, then spends several minutes reconstructing the goal. Their final score might be similar; the route to that score is different.
The question I keep returning to is whether assessment could describe those routes more precisely. What helps someone remain organised? What disrupts them? How do they recover?
A score is an endpoint. Cognition is a process.
The distinction between cognitive tests and everyday ratings is not new. Toplak and colleagues’ influential review found weak convergence between performance-based executive-function measures and ratings. Their interpretation was that these methods capture different aspects of functioning. [1]
I read that as an invitation to make the question more specific. A structured task may show what a person can do under explicit instructions; an everyday account may describe how goals are managed across time and competing demands. Disagreement between them can be informative, rather than something to average away.
My MSc dissertation approached part of this problem through a Gorilla.sc cognitive battery and a digital dual-task simulation, including a grid task with and without traffic audio. It explored neurocognitive performance under competing demands. It was an academic dissertation, not a clinically validated screening instrument. The next challenge is connecting experimentally tractable demands to outcomes people recognise in their lives.
The neuroscience of changing demands
Recent network neuroscience makes a single “executive centre” an unsatisfying explanation. Nugiel and colleagues’ 2026 study compared working memory, inhibition, cognitive flexibility and rest within 62 young people. Attention and control networks showed both shared and task-specific connectivity; whole-brain integration and segregation also differed across tasks. [2]
Integration describes how strongly parts of a network coordinate; segregation describes how distinct its communities remain. Neither is a universal target to maximise. The useful arrangement may depend on the demand and the person’s developmental stage.
Mitchell and colleagues’ 2025 analysis of 9–11-year-olds found that greater reconfiguration from rest to executive tasks was associated with better performance. This contrasted with the adult pattern motivating their study. [3] A neural pattern described as “efficient” in one population should not automatically become a benchmark for another.
These are group-level associations from research tasks. They do not allow us to read an individual’s everyday difficulties from a scan. What they offer is a richer question: how does a developing cognitive system reorganise when the situation changes?
Three questions I would like to test
01 · Recovery after interruption
Could the time and strategy needed to resume a goal explain everyday functioning beyond average accuracy or speed? I would distinguish losing the goal, remembering it but delaying a return, and returning efficiently through an external cue. My working hypothesis is that the shape of recovery may be informative even when overall task scores look similar.
02 · Responsiveness to support
Assessment usually asks how someone performs. I also want to ask how performance changes when support is introduced. Compare the same task with a visible goal cue, fewer competing signals or a short planning pause. A person’s response to these changes could guide a practical support decision—if it predicts benefit outside the task.
03 · The changing cost of staying on track
Two people may achieve the same result with different effort. Repeated brief assessments could examine whether interruption costs vary with self-reported fatigue, setting and time of day. The aim would be to describe within-person patterns without interpreting every fluctuation as impairment.
Richer measurement has to earn its place
Ecological momentary assessment collects repeated observations closer to daily life. Doucette and colleagues, including Mauricio Garcia-Barrera, reviewed its use in clinical populations in 2024. They found varied methods and important shortcomings in how sex and gender were considered and reported. [4] Sampling life more frequently does not remove the need for careful measurement.
Theone Paterson and colleagues’ online cognitive-assessment validation provides another useful principle: digital tools need comparison with established assessment in the population and clinical question for which they are intended. Their 2022 study involved older adults and amnestic mild cognitive impairment; it does not validate a youth-focused task. [5]
My background in visual effects makes complex digital environments appealing. It also makes me wary of confusing realism with validity. An elaborate simulation can add interface difficulty, unfamiliarity and distraction. A simple task that isolates one meaningful demand may be more informative.
Gaze, pupil responses, movement or neural measurements would be worth adding only when they help answer a defined question. A pupil signal is not a direct meter of executive function. More channels can mean more ambiguity, more burden and more opportunities to fit noise.
What a useful study would have to show
I would begin with a modest, preregistered study combining established measures, an interruption task and repeated everyday reports. Analysis would separate differences between people from changes within the same person. Prediction would be evaluated on held-out participants, with uncertainty and practical burden reported.
The decisive test would be incremental usefulness: does the new measure improve prediction beyond a simpler baseline, or help choose a support that works? Accessibility, language, technology familiarity and the person’s own account would be part of the design, not later adjustments.
The most interesting outcome might be a better explanation of a mismatch: why somebody can demonstrate a skill in assessment yet struggle to use it when several things compete for their attention. That explanation should lead to a useful next step.

Research behind these reflections
[1] Toplak, West & Stanovich (2013). Performance-based measures and ratings of executive function. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry. Read the review ↗
[2] Nugiel et al. (2026). Functional connectivity across executive-function tasks. Developmental Cognitive Neuroscience. Read the study ↗
[3] Mitchell, Jaimes & Nugiel (2025). Task-related brain-network reconfiguration in late childhood. Developmental Cognitive Neuroscience. Read the study ↗
[4] Doucette et al. (2024). Ecological momentary assessment of cognition in clinical populations. The Clinical Neuropsychologist. Read the review ↗
[5] Paterson et al. (2022). Accuracy of self-administered online cognitive assessment for amnestic MCI. Journals of Gerontology: Series B. Read the study ↗
Research selected and checked in October 2026. Illustrations are conceptual artwork, not brain scans or research data.